Food for Education Improves Girls’ Education the Pakistan Essay

In the last decade, attack to chief(a) pedagogics has alterd significantly in many parts of the valet de chambre (World Bank, 2006). Yet, 77 million children of direct trail day-age, are non in rail and 57 partage of them are womanly childs. Despite everyplace any advances in master(a) archive, significant gender disparities re primary(prenominal) curiously in certain regions, nonably the Arab States, South and watt Asia and Sub-Saharan Africa. Beyond the primary quill level, the gender inequalities in statement are even much than than significant.In secondary education, only one-third of countries have reached gender parity and women account for 64 percent of the worlds illite direct adults a figure, which has not progressed during the last decade (UNESCO, 2007). Girls education is affected by a variety of factors relating some(prenominal) to the demand and supply side of information gender-stereotyped curricula and teaching practices, teach infrastruct ure not adapted to the needs of girls (lack of separate toilets, naturalize fencing, girls boarding facilities, etc.) risks for girls risk-freety on the way to and at school (girls being abducted, at risk of rape at school) or negative socio-cultural practices (early marriage, let loose opinion given to education of girls). One of the roughly significant obstacles to girls education is the direct and opportunity monetary value of schooling, which affects girls disproportionately. Girls from light households register very low levels of school completion in many countries (B becomes, Mingat, and Rakotomalala 2003).In India, for example, a mull found that, amongst poor girls, less than 10 percent had completed elementary education (grade 8), compared to 85 percent of rich boys (15-19 twelve months age group). didacticsal advance of girls was consistently lower than for boys across all income groups (Filmer 1999). query from Guinea concluded that Family income or wealth is a key variable that explains differences in educational opportunities and growth between families. Poverty in a family will have a more detrimental found upon the decision to enrol a girl in school than boys (Tembon and Al-Samarrai 1997).This is linked to the fact that girls spend a significant amount of their beat on work, particularly internal chores and plain labour. Their child work make for parents, and thus the opportunity approach of their schooling, are thus greater than for boys. A survey in blue India found that girls responsibility for domestic labour and for sibling care was by far the most important reason for not get tearing them to school or for their dropping out (The PROBE team 1999).A view from Bangladesh came to the by-line conclusion Normally, a campestral Bangladeshi woman works 10-14 hours a day, though most of this work is not visible or reflected in national statistics. The need to perform domestic chores to help their mothers impedes girls par ticipation in formal education, forcing them into irregular attendance and/or to leave school (UNESCO 1998). In addition, there is state that direct educational be are higher for girls than for boys, for example because girls need safe transport to school or better school clothing to look decent (Herz and Sperling 2004).Where women and girls have low societal status, poor parents are often more reluctant to invest their meagre resources into the education of girls earlier than that of their sons. diet for direction (FFE) political platforms school feeding (school meals or snacks) and, particularly, the provision of bear off-home food rations (THRs) have turn up to be an effective means of quotationing these obstacles, enrolling more girls in school, keeping them enrolled, and enhancing their adulthood wellbeing and productivity as a result.In this paper we reappraisal the rationale behind FFE, particularly of THRs in supporting gate to educationfor girls and summarise t he findings on the effectiveness of THR computer create by mental acts available in the published literature. We then complement the evidence with a case sight on a FFE programme in Pakistan designed to support girls education. Cost-effectiveness is underlying to policy-making on achieving gender equality in education to date, however, there are very a couple of(prenominal) studies that assess the costs and cost-effectiveness of FFE programmes. The Pakistan case study attempts to fill this gap by analysing the costs and benefits of the girls education programme. 2 create by mental act Description FFE programmes are widespread in developing and higher income countries.In 2005 the UN World nutriment Programme supported FFE programmes in 74 countries, benefiting almost 22 million students of whom 48 percent girls. most 3 million girls bring forthd dry, take-home food rations in support of their education. Take-home food rations typically consist of food commodities that are of high value to families and part of their standard food basket, such as cereals or vegetable oil. They are distributed periodic or quarterly sometimes, the distribution time is in addition targeted to the agricultural lean season, when family food supplies are lowest and little food available on the local markets. recognise of the food ration is physical bodyal upon the students regular attendance in the case of WFP-supported FFE programmes, for example, a minimum of 80 percent monthly attendance rate is required. This helps to ensure that students dont erect enrol but actually attend school regularly. FFE interpellations are generally designed to improve school participation amongst poor, susceptible, food unsettled populations and target areas where access to school and school completion are weak, particularly for girls.The risk of not accessing and/or completing primary school, a form of educational vulnerability anchored at bottom a context of poverty and food insecurit y, may be used to describe the common feature article shared by the children targeted by FFE. This idea reflects the reality that household choices regarding education are often a result of complex decision processes, where poverty and hunger play an important role in find the schooling expirations (Dreze and Kingdon, 2001). As we have seen above, these factors are particularly significant in the case of girls education..In a general model of FFE (WFP, 2007), the initial emergence that drives accession school participation is the incentive to the household to send children to school. Generally, the incentive is achieved by way of an income transfer to the family of the student and also with an enhancement of the services provided at school (Bergeron & Del Rosso, 2001). FFE also has an incentive effect on learners actually wanting to go to school to receive some food, rather than staying at home and missing out. Both of these effects will contribute to shift, in the short-term , a households decision towards change magnitude schooling.The effects are most significant amongst poorest populations and where education, including girls education, is not well established. human body 1 summarises the main impact theory for THRs and traces the causal links between inputs and the desired educational outcome of change magnitude access, promotion and completion for primary school children, particularly girls. Food for culture (FFE) programmes providing take-home rations are more suitable to target individual students such as girls and less complex to implement than stodgy school meal programmes that require substantial investments both in terms of infrastructure and residential district inputs.For instance, THRs in the form of 4 litre vegetable oil cans are fairly easy to store and distribute, and THR distributions take place only once per month or less. More important, however, take-home food rations provide a more direct, higher value income transfer to fami lies than school meals, which in turn provide the incentive for outgrowthd school participation. From this perspective, THRs provide an immediate, income based benefit, and another long-term benefit stemming from the returns to increase education, serving as both protective and promotive amicable protection (Devereux and Sabates-Wheeler, 2004).On the other hand, THR are not suitable to address nutritional and health issues affecting school children and their education, particularly cognitive capacity, which is a well established outcome of school meals (Kristjansson et al. , 2007). 3 MDG 2&3 Improved attendance Food Take-home rations distributed on condition of pupils regular attendance Targeted HHs received THRs on condition of their childrens regular attendance Incentive for HHs cut nap drop-out Increased enrolment Better academic performance Changing parents military strength regarding schooling.Figure 1 Food for Education impact theory for take-home rations Impact of FFE pr ogrammes on girls education Evaluations of FFE programmes (see Adelman et al. , 2006) have shown that FFE programmes lead to increased enrolment and attendance, of girls in particular, reduced dropout particularly in the lower primary school grades, and for on-site meals or snacks programmes improved student larn capacity. Literature databases were searched to identify relevant studies on the physical and social benefits of FFE programmes to girls.The educational outcomes considered included school participation (including enrolment, attendance and drop-out). main(a) school age children were the primary subjects of all the studies considered. only one study was found on the impact of THR programmes highlighting the gap in evidence on this topic. Another paper was found on the comparative effects of the different modalities of FFE including THRs. One field-oriented evaluation of a WFP FFE programme was also identified in Pakistan and this is included in the main body of this paper as a case study.In Bangladesh, IFPRI and the World Bank evaluated the impact of a Government FFE programme (Ahmed and Del Ninno, 2002) that cover over 2 million children in 2000. The enrolment in FFE programme schools was found to have increased by 35 percent over the two year period between the programme break and by and by its first year. This increase was driven by a remarkable 44 percent increase in girls enrolment and by a 28 percent increase for boys. In non-programme schools enrolment increased by 2. 5 percent (5. 4 for girls and 0. 1 for boys) during the same period.Attendance in FFE aid schools was found to be 12 points higher than in non-assisted schools (70 percent compared to 58 percent respectively). Drop-out judge were also found to be 9 points lower in FFE assisted schools than in non-assisted schools (6 percent compared to 15 percent respectively). The overall programme costs were reported to be US$0. 10 per child per day, though no epitome of the costs was pro vided. Another study analysed the comparative effects of the different modalities of FFE, including onsite meals combined with THRs (Gelli, Meir and Espejo, 2007).The results of this study of WFP monitoring and evaluation data showed that the provision of the FFE programme contributed to increasing downright enrollment in WFP-assisted schools by 28 percent for girls and 22 percent for boys in the first year. Enrollment patterns after the first year varied according to the type of FFE program. Where provision of take-home rations for girls was combined with on-site feeding for all pupils, the increase in girls absolute enrollment was Increased access, promotion & completion, particularly for girls 4 sustained at 30 percent after the first year.However, in schools providing on-site feeding alone, the rate of increase in absolute enrollment after the first year reverted to the rates of increase found in the year foregoing to FFE execution of instrument. The provision of take-home ra tions also appeared to reduce the dropout rate of womanly students, particularly in the higher grades. In addition, an analysis of WFP make expenditures in 2005 (Gelli, Al-Shaiba and Espejo, 2007) showed that the average cost of WFP THR programmes was US$29. 94 per child per year, the most pricy of FFE modalities.However, the cost driver for THR was mostly the large volume of food provided (72 percent of total programme costs, compared to 58 percent for school meal programmes). A study by Dreze and Kingdon from 2001 examined the effects of a wide hurtle of determinants of school participation in rural northern India, focusing on school participation as a household decision. Amongst the school quality determinants, it was found that female school participation was slightly 15 percentage points higher when the local school provided a mid-day meal (MDM).Mid-day meals also were found to have a major positive effect on girls grade attainment chances of completing primary education w ere 30 percentage points higher for girls living in a village with MDM. However, the MDM did not affect the enrolment of boys. The study confirmed that female schooling is far more influenced by household economic status than boys schooling parents are not generally opposed to female education but they are reluctant to compensation for it. School meals could make a big difference here by reducing the private costs of schooling. An earlier study found that the noon meal programme in Tamil Nadu in India attracted more girls to attend school and improved the attendance of those already in school (Devadas, 1983). The Pakistan Girls Education Programme selective information on womens participation in education in Pakistan shows low girls primary school straighten out enrolment (59 percent) and female adult literacy rates (35 percent). Although female enrolment is increasing rapidly in all regions, girls participation rates at all levels are lower than that of boys and gender gaps persi st, particularly in rural areas (WFP Pakistan, 2005).Since 1995, WFP has been providing food assistance to support the efforts of the Government of Pakistan (GoP) to improve access, retention and completion of girls primary education in 28 selected food-insecure districts of Pakistan, including seven districts of the North West Frontier Province (NWFP). The seven districts within the NWFP of Pakistan were identified by a WFP vulnerability analysis and mapping (VAM) study as being amongst the most food insecure areas in the country. Women and girls in these areas face huge barriers in terms of access to education.At the time when the project started, female literacy in rural areas was only around 10 percent and the primary participation rate of girls less than 30 percent. As a result, a take-home rations programme was introduced within these seven districts with the fair game of increasing enrolment, retention and completion at girls primary schools. In 2005, THRs were provided mont hly to 326,784 girls in 2,697 schools in vulnerable areas within 28 districts in the 5 provinces of Punjab, Sindh, Balochistan, Azad Jammu and Kashmir (AJK) and NWFP.Ration distribution was condition to regular school attendance. The monthly THRs consisted of a 4 litre tin of vegetable oil fortified with vitamin-A, and had an estimated value on the local market of US$5. Implementation Process Under the Country Programme agreement signed by the GoP and WFP, WFP is responsible for providing the commodities for the FFE programme to the port of Karachi. The GoP is responsible for the food distribution to the 28 districts, as well as the management of the timely speech communication of the food in good condition from all the district warehouses to the assisted schools.Project Implementation Units (PIUs) were set up by the GoP in each assisted province to run the FFE programme. WFP provided a small truck for each district at the beginning of the project to facilitate the logistics and im plementation. However, because of the very difficult terrain in the targeted low profile districts of NWFP, ensuring a timely 5 supply of the THRS to the schools has been challenging. As a result, many schools received the oil supply every second month or even later. tho two oil tins at the most, are distributed to a student to cover the back-log of non-supply during the previous period. At the school level, the head teacher generally receives the oil rations and supervises the distribution to the pupils, conditional to monthly attendance rates of at least 80 percent. The entitlement of each student is checked against the school monthly attendance registers before the THR is distributed. The territory Officers Education & Deputy or associate District Officers also pay monitoring visits to the schools and verify this aspect.Programme costs Project expenditure data was reviewed in order to estimate the costs of the FFE programme. WFP reports annually on project expenditures, alongsi de other project statistics, in its standard project reports (SPRs). Expenditures are broken down into commodity, transport, landside transport shipping and handling (LTSH), other direct operational costs (ODOC), direct support costs (DSC) which added together form the direct project costs (DPC). A percentage of the DPC is then factored in as indirect support costs (ISC) to support WFP Headquarters. dining table 1 presents a breakdown of total WFP expenditures in the country in 2005 alongside an estimate of the expenditure on the FFE programme, broken down by WFP cost category. Table 1 2005 WFP total and estimated FFE expenditures in Pakistan Country Programme Total WFP Country Programme expenditures (USD) 11,667,043 970,358 0 90,856 621,934 874,879 14,225,070 Estimated school feeding expenditure (USD) 6,133,819 510,155 0 47,767 326,975 459,958 7,478,673 % FFE over total expenditures 82% 7% 0% 1% 4% 6% 100%.Commodities Transport LTSH ODOC DSC ISC Total Regarding the political sym pathies contributions to the programme, the 2005 expenditures for each of the PIUs, divided into direct and indirect expenditures, are shown in Table 2Table 1. Direct expenditures have been divided into two parts i. e. (i) PIUs expenses which include cater salaries, renting of stores/warehouses, and other running expenses and (ii) the Transportation Cost incurred on the transportation of oil from Karachi to respective districts/tehsils/schools. confirmatory expenditures include the expenditures (adjusted by proportion of time spent on programme activities) of other staff members of presidency who manage the FFE programme i. e. distribute oil, monitor its distribution and send reports to PIUs from Districts / tehsils / schools level whose salaries are not supercharged to PIUs. These staff members include the Executive District Officers, District Education Officers (Female), Deputy District Education Officers, Assistant Education Officers, Store keepers, School Teachers and Peons e tc.These expenditures have been calculated by WFP Pakistan based on estimates following discussions with each respective PIU. As the entire FFE programme is managed by the provincial governments, PIU expenditures include all cost items required to deliver and manage the FFE programme. In 2005, school feeding activities accounted for 53 percent of food distributed in the whole WFP Country Programme. There were no further expenses incurred by the community in the running of the FFE programme. 6.Table 2 A breakdown of GoP budgeted expenses in 2004/2005 for FFE (THR) activities PIU Provinces Punjab Sindh Balochistan AJK* NWFP Total PKR 328,568 6,444,556 7,612,000 1,162,000 3,306,300 18,853,424 Direct Expenditures Transportation US$ PKR US$ 5,569 109,230 129,017 19,695 56,039 319,550 9,004,158 2,490,927 1,778,225 6,678,000 3,495,000 23,446,310 152,613 42,219 30,139 113,186 59,237 397,395 verifying Expenditures PKR 22,984,227 23,795,400 20,183,829 25,194,939 92,158,395 US$ 389,563 403,31 2 342,099 427,033 1,562,007 PKR 32,316,953 32,730,883 29,574,054 7,840,000 31,996,239 134,458,129 Total US$ 547,745 554,761 501,255 132,881 542,309 2,278,951.Having collected estimates for the different costs that are associated with the FFE programme, from the procurement of food down to the distribution of the THRs to the school girls, we estimated the total cost of FFE in Pakistan for 2005. WFP and GoP contributions for 2005 total $9,757,624 USD, and dividing this by the number of beneficiaries resulted in $29. 85 USD per school-girl per year. In 2005 in Pakistan, food costs accounted for approximately 63 percent of the total cost.The share of WFP expenses over the total cost was 77 percent, with the remaining share covered by the GoP. The cost per beneficiary increases to $63 USD per child per year if we adjust for full food distribution to all the planned beneficiaries, and assume absolute attendance. Key outcomes and Impact.In 2004-2005, a set of surveys were carried out to a ssess educational and other socioeconomic programme outcomes (WFP Pakistan, 2005). The evaluation included the collection and analysis of detailed school-level records from all the 826 WFP-assisted schools and a set of 79 every which way selected non-assisted schools ( reign) in the region. A secondary study of the available literature (GoP, WFP, and other partners) and data was also undertaken, including an analysis of data from the Education Management Information System (EMIS) and in-depth interviews with various partners involved such as government, WFP officials, community members, parents, teachers and students.The evaluation showed that the programme had multiple benefits for girls education The overall enrolment at sampled schools increased by cxxxv percent between 1998/99 and 2003/04, whereas during the same period enrolment at control school increased by only 29 percent. There was a particularly strong increase in enrolment in the first grade of primary school (Kachi clas s) 211 percent at programme schools, compared to 5 percent in control school. This indicates that the programme was particularly prospered in stimulating enrolment of girls who, until then, had never entered a school. On average, 88 percent of students attended school for twenty or more eld per month (and were thus eligible for the take-home ration).Despite the positive effects on enrolment and attendance, completion of primary school remains a problem. Out of every 100 female students enrolling in 1998/99, only 44 percent reached grade 5. Although the primary school completion rate improved to 47 percent for the age bracket starting school in 1999/2000, this only reflected a national trend, and programme schools actually showed worse results than control schools. This shows that the effect of the food incentive is not sufficiently strong to ensure that girls stay in school as they get older, and older girls of the family might be replaced by their younger siblings. 7 The pro gramme also broke new ground and increased awareness of girls education.Before the programme started, 48 percent of households did not send any of their daughters to school now all parents educate at least one daughter. age 38 percent of respondents said that the food incentive was the only reason for move their daughter to school, 29 percent they would continue educating their daughters even if the programme stopped. 27 percent said that general hostility to girls education in the community was no longer an issue. The food incentive was much appreciated by the families and provided them with conspicuous benefits. 32 percent of community members interviewed said that their income had increased, generating savings in the family budget and that they had more free time for agricultural activities or business.Costs and benefits of the FFE programme A basic framework was developed by WFP in order to evaluate the cost and benefits of the FFE intervention designed to support girls educa tion (Espejo et al. , 2006). In this model, the benefits from FFE are assume to consist of two components the first is the monetary value of expected lifetime additional earnings after successful completion of primary school, whilst the second is the market value of a monthly take-home ration, provided on condition to a girls school attendance throughout the programme duration. If we apply this cost-benefit framework to the FFE programme in Pakistan the results show that every USD spent on the FFE yields approximately 1. 68 USD in benefits.An alternative to estimating the benefits of education through the monetary value of expected lifetime additional earnings after successful completion of primary school is to estimate the extra school days gained through the effect of a particular intervention aimed at increasing school participation. Comparisons of actual pupil attendance days to the perfect attendance day total can provide a single measure of school participation that encompass es enrolment, drop-out and absenteeism, the three main educational outcomes linked to FFE.A simple model developed to estimate the gain in pupil attendance days in FFE schools using averages for attendance, drop-out and enrolment resulted in an estimated 25 extra school days per child per year (WFP, 2007). This translates into approximately $240 USD per additional year of schooling for girls in Pakistan. The cost and effects of the THR programme are summarised in Table 3.Table 3 Estimated measures of cost-effectiveness of THRs in Pakistan (Source WFP Pakistan 2005, WFP SSFS 2003). Enrolment Effect (per year) Cost 22% increase Education Attendance 10% increase Drop-out 5% decrease 25 extra school days per year per pupil 30-60 USD per child per year Lessons learnt Of all the programmes initiated in NWFP, this one has made the most visible impact.It has contributed a lot in this province Fazle Manan, Director of Schools and Literacy from the Ministry of Education, when asked of WFPs as sistance to girls primary education. The FFE programme triggered a marked increase in enrolment of girls in assisted schools in Pakistan. The enrolment more than doubled during the first three years of intervention.These types of incentives and awareness campaigns are imperative to boost girls education, to improve female literacy and reduce the gender gap, especially in remote rural areas. However, the retention of girl students in the school system and further improvement of the participation rate is essential to achieve universal primary education. 8 As a result of the increased enrolment, the nearly empty school buildings have become more used, providing a better return of investment to the community and the government. However, the quality of education, itself a major incentive for sending children to school, has been constrained by the lack of teachers.Moreover, many of the assisted schools suffer from a want of adequate facilities, including furniture, water, sanitation, and termination walls. This issue highlights the need to ensure that once children are in school, efforts are made to enhance the learning environment, as well as to support pupil attendance and retention. The involvement of the community and the local government has been essential to mobilise the resources necessary for improving the school infrastructure. The FFE project has raised the awareness among the assisted communities about the importance of educating girls. Even the most reluctant parents are now sending their daughters to school.This change in attitude is a remarkable achievement against the backdrop of the social and cultural taboos that had prohibited the education of girls in the past. The mothers of the girl students now get out of their homes and visit schools to enquire about the progress of their daughters. Most of the females in widespread rural areas were previously not allowed to step outside their homes now girls are going to schools and their elderly female rel atives visit schools to enquire about the attendance, progress in studies and probable dates of supply of oil. This change in social attitude and behaviour is an important achievement of the programme. Future plans The impact of the THR programme in supporting access to education for girls in rural, food insecure areas of Pakistan has been remarkable.Though WFP was involved in the design, management and implementation the FFE intervention, the self-possession of the overall programme was, through the course of the programme, handed over to the Government of Pakistan. As of 2005, project implementation units staffed with senior level Government officials took-over the full responsibility of the programme in terms of food delivery to schools, programme monitoring and reporting. 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